Administration of Justice for Urban Refugees in Kenya: Perspectives of Legal Experts

Mercy CHEPKIRUI. “Administration of Justice for Urban Refugees in Kenya: Perspectives of Legal Experts” Mambo! No. 112, 2026.

International and national protection frameworks guarantee refugees the right to access to justice. However, the urbanization of forced displacement in Kenya has reconfigured this refugee protection regime. Unlike the traditional and humanitarian justice systems established in camps, refugees residing in urban areas rely on domestic judicial systems. This shift creates a state of dual vulnerability where their legal status overlap with the structural marginality of informal urban settlements. By focusing on the viewpoint’s legal experts’, this study demonstrates that there is a systemic disconnect between recognized rights and the administration and access to justice in practice. Institutional exclusions, bureaucratic red tapes, and fragmented law enforcement have turned the pursuit of legal redress into a contested process. Access to justice is thus shaped more by professional discretion and spatial inequalities than by formal constitutional guarantees.

Introduction

The protracted refugee situation in Kenya is primarily informed by conflicts and political instability in the Horn and Great Lakes regions of Africa, particularly Somalia, Sudan, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, and South Sudan (UNHCR, 2025). As a response to mass influx, Kenya adopted encampment as a refugee management policy (Okello, 2024). Encampment requires refugees to live in confined spaces (camps) such as Kakuma and Dadaab camps in Kenya. However, there is a growing demographic shift towards urbanization of displacement where an increasing number of refugees are continuously self-settling in urban areas. So far, 117,781 refugees are residing in urban areas mainly in Nairobi, Nakuru and Mombasa (UNHCR, 2025) in search of livelihoods, public services and social networks. A shift that has reconfigured the refugee protection landscape. 

Refugee movements into urban areas pushes them into residing in informal settlements characterized by a lack of adequate infrastructure, limited state presence, and a weak rule of law. This exposes urban refugees to various forms of exploitation including sexual and gender-based-violence (SGBV) (Muindi and Mberu, 2019). Unlike in camp-based settings where humanitarian agencies have established parallel systems for reporting and justice administration (Griek, 2007; da Costa, 2006), refugees residing in urban areas rely on existing national administrative and legal structures notably courts, police stations, and legal aid mechanisms to seek redress. This raises a critical concern on the relationship between the refugee and the state with regard to administration of justice for SGBV survivors.

Sexual and gender-based violence in itself is a public health issue and a pervasive human rights violation that refugees often face. According to the UNHCR, SGBV refers to “any harmful act physical, emotional, psychological, or sexual in nature that is perpetrated against a person’s will and is based on gender norms and unequal power relationships” (UNHCR, 2003). In displacement contexts where social safety nets are disrupted and legal protections weakened; women and girls remain at a higher risk of exploitative relationships, sexual assault, and intimate partner violence (Freedman, 2016). Vulnerability to SGBV in informal settlements is heightened by structural and economic marginalization, entrenched social norms, overcrowding and weak policing (Ong’eta and Cirella, 2023). For Urban refugees these vulnerabilities intersect with their legal status notably lack of documentation, fear of arrest and harassment, language barrier, lack of awareness of their rights and limited familiarity with the host country’s legal procedures (Da Costa, 2006). Thus, exposing urban refugee survivors of SGBV to a dual vulnerability for residing in informal settings where the rule of law is weak while also navigating social and institutional exclusion that limit access to justice. 

A mismatch exists between the rights accorded to refugees, existing governance structures, and the lived realities in urban areas. Although cities are deemed to provide autonomy, integration and economic empowerment, they also perpetuate marginalization in informal settlement contexts due to limited access to sources of livelihood, and limited state regulation (Kassa, 2018). Easton-Calabria (2020) on the other hand observes that municipalities hosting refugees often lack the capacity and legal clarity to integrate them into the service delivery systems. This illustrates that spatial inequalities in cities especially contested urban belonging and disparities in policing strategies perpetuate strained relations between the refugee and the state (De Backer, Hopkins and van Liempt, 2024). In Campbell’s view, fragmented law enforcement mechanisms affect refugee security and protection in Nairobi (Campbell, 2006). Other scholars point this challenge to the complexity of urban humanitarian governance. In Knudsen and Tobin’s (2024) view, the responsibility of refugee protection progressively diffuses from the state to non-state actors to informal entities, resulting in irregular access to justice.

Literature on sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV) on the other hand has established that when culture, gender norms and structural violence intersect they heighten vulnerability. A qualitative study on refugee women in Nairobi shows that SGBV persists across a refugee’s displacement journey and remains poorly addressed after settlement due to stigma, underreporting, and weak institutional responses (Obara et al., 2023). Additionally, a comparative report on Kenya and Uganda points to a lack of coordination, procedural and institutional gaps in the administration of justice limits prevention and redress of SGBV (Atuhaire & Ndirangu, 2018). Nonetheless, empirical research on the interpretation, administration, and delivery of justice for refugee survivors of SGBV still remains limited. Legal experts are particularly important actors in framing how statutory protections are translated into practice, yet their views are often absent in the analyses of refugee protection. This is a critical omission because it is within the everyday decision-making of these actors that legal rights are either operationalized or constrained. This study thus examined how justice is administered for urban refugees in Kenya from the viewpoints of legal experts, with a particular emphasis on SGBV. The research identified systemic challenges and institutional gaps that limit the justice processes for refugee SGBV survivors. By positioning legal experts as important actors who mediate refugee access to justice, this study therefore, advances knowledge on the operationalization of legal frameworks.

Methodology

This qualitative exploratory study collected the views of legal experts on how urban refugees’ survivors of sexual and gender-based violence access justice in Kenya. A qualitative approach was appropriate for the study, as it allowed for an in-depth look into the professional experiences of participants, their reflection on the institutional and procedural challenges faced, and their views on the operational implementation of legal frameworks. The study focused on legal professionals involved in the delivery of justice particularly prosecutors, lawyers, paralegals, legal aids and police officers. Participants were selected through a purposive sampling to ensure that those with relevant knowledge of refugee protection, expertise and experience could provide well informed and diverse perspectives on the administration of justice in refugee contexts.

The fieldwork for this study was conducted between June and August 2025. I managed to interview 30 informants including legal aids, advocates, police officers, prosecutors to interrogate the procedural requirements, institutional capacity, their engagement with refugee survivors of SGBV, and the obstacles to accessing justice in urban settings. These semi-structured interviews took between 45 to 60 minutes, with some being conducted face to face while others conducted virtually via zoom and google meet. Data has been analyzed thematically by identifying recurring patterns and key themes related to structural, procedural, and socio-cultural factors affecting the access to and delivery of justice. The International Association for the Study of Forced Migration (IASFM) code of ethics notably obtaining informed consent, confidentiality, and referrals for support when discussing sensitive issues was strictly adhered to.

Some limitations to the research include its specificity to legal experts, rather than refugees themselves, which could result in the findings being more characteristic of professional opinion than refugee lived realities. Second, a focus on legal professionals could result in professional bias, with their interpretations being influenced by their professional training and over emphasis on procedural concerns over social and psychological considerations. Third, is the scope of this study being Nairobi, which means that the findings may not be generalizable to other regions, which could have different concerns in relation to refugees. While there are limitations to the research, its method offers a means to understand the administration of justice for urban refugees’ survivors of SGBV.

Barriers to access to Justice

Access to justice is a critical pillar in refugee protection. Article 16 of the 1951 Refugee Convention stipulates that “a refugee shall have free access to the courts of law and shall be accorded the same treatment as nationals in matters including legal assistance and exemption from security for costs.” Kenya on the other hand has established a strong legal and policy framework for ensuring access to justice. Article 48 of the Kenyan Constitution (2010) establishes the right to access to justice for all persons. Additional legislations to address SGBV have also been enacted. These include the Sexual Offences Act (2006), the Legal Aid Act (2016), and the Victim Protection Act (2014) which offer detailed provisions on reporting, investigation, legal representation and protection for victims. However, the practical realization of this right for urban refugees remains uneven.

The urban environment in itself compounds these barriers. Urban refugees live in informal settlements marked by insecurity, weak policing, and limited state presence (Karuga et al., 2023). Such areas struggle with insecure neighbourhoods, lack of safe transport systems to police stations or clinics, and the threat of retaliation from perpetrators who often live nearby making it unsafe for SGBV survivors. Unlike camp settings where humanitarian agencies have established SGBV reporting mechanisms, urban refugees must navigate an overstretched and unfamiliar state justice system on their own (Griek, 2007; Da Costa, 2006). While some of these barriers to accessing justice are common to both refugees and locals living within the same areas, other barriers identified by this study were unique to refugee populations.

Firstly, lack of proper documentation was frequently cited as major obstacle to access to public services including justice (Norwegian Refugee Council, 2017). Everyone is accorded the right to recognition everywhere as a person before the law (Article 16 International Covenant for Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR)). In fact, the UNHCR conclusion No. 35 (1984) on identity documents requires contracting states to issue identity papers to any refugee within their territory.  However, as Muindi and Mberu (2019) observe, many urban refugees residing in informal settlements in Nairobi often lack proper documentation.  A human rights advocate cited that “many urban refugees, particularly recent arrivals or those with pending asylum claims, lack valid identification documents or have expired papers.” This creates fear wherein survivors hesitate to approach police stations or hospitals because they anticipate questioning, arrest, or referral to immigration authorities. This reveals that a lack of identity documents has a substantial effect on a refugees’ human rights.

Moreover, several other legal practitioners from different non-governmental organizations noted that police officers in some neighbourhoods within Nairobi lack the knowledge of the rights accorded to refugees and refugee documentation procedures intensifying refugee mistrust which discourages reporting of such cases. In Da Costa’s view, the lack of knowledge or familiarity with the specific rights including refugee and human rights law and the minimum standards of treatment for both victims and the accused by some government authorities leads to the confusion on whether refugees and foreigners have any rights at all (Da Costa, 2006). This reflects a fragmented relationship between the host state and the refugee.

Secondly, refugees themselves lack awareness of their rights and are less familiar with the Kenyan legal system (Ushirikiano, n.d.). Many refugees living in Kenya originate from countries where the rule of law is absent, or with a collapsed or corrupt justice system. Despite existing legal protections, refugees’ coming from such environments often struggle to navigate the complex formal legal frameworks of host countries or view protection with suspicion leading to a de facto loss of rights (Davis et al., 2001). A legal aid in a non-governmental organization pointed out that “many refugees are unfamiliar with the Sexual Offences Act, available protections, or steps involved in case reporting.” This can be attributed to little knowledge or lack of prior experience with formal justice systems due to exclusive exposure to tribal and other traditional dispute resolution mechanisms. This results in certain refugee groups having a limited understanding of the gravity and consequences of certain crimes (such as SGBV crimes) in the formal justice system (Da Costa, 2006). This lack of knowledge coupled with distrust of formal institutions was described as deterring the pursuit of justice among urban refugees.

Thirdly, language barrier was also identified as an obstacle to justice. Many urban refugees in Nairobi are sometimes unable to express themselves in English or Kiswahili (Pavanello, Elhawary, & Pantuliano, 2010). As Da Costa (2006) observes, language barrier is a serious impediment and disincentive for many refugees to access the host state legal system. A police officer interviewed stated that refugees who do not speak English or Kiswahili struggle significantly to express themselves, even in explaining details of an assault or understanding procedures in court. According to the officer, while interpreters are rarely present within police stations or inside the courtrooms, survivors always depend on other members of the community to interpret sensitive SGBV information. This often results in compromises on confidentiality, recording of incomplete statements, misinterpretation of evidence, leading to the dropping of cases.

Lastly, cultural norms and stigmatization within both refugee and host communities further limit access to justice. According to a legal aid, “Survivors, especially women, adolescents, and LGBTQ+ refugees often fear community ridicule, blame, shame or even in some instances social exclusion”. Obara et al., (2025) highlights that refugees from specific communities may avoid reporting incidents of violence because of culturally-based beliefs that doing so would disgrace their families. According to the Refugee Consortium of Kenya (2014), in some refugee communities especially among the Somali and South Sudanese, reporting SGBV is seen as bringing dishonor to the family, while among host communities’ refugees may fear xenophobic attitudes or being dismissed as “outsiders”.  These social pressures often result in underreporting or withdrawal of cases illustrating that cultural stigma silences survivors and perpetuates violence (Obara et al., 2025).

Systemic and Institutional Challenges

The Kenyan justice system is institutionally fragmented in ways that systematically disadvantage refugee survivors of SGBV (Daily Nation, 2026). A legal aid reported that at the investigative stage, chronic delays and procedural lapses due to understaffed police stations with investigators on rotation sometimes results in cases involving non-citizens deprioritized. A protection officer working with refugees in Kayole also noted that delayed first-line responses, late police arrivals at scenes, late referral to medical facilities, and slow collection of forensic evidence, often result in lost or incomplete evidence. These are not mere bureaucratic delays but operational failures that directly reduce the chances for successful prosecution.

A related and recurrent concern was inadequate forensic and medical-legal capacity. A prosecutor explained that medico-legal documentation (post-exposure prophylaxis, medico-legal examination forms, stretcher/certificates) are essential to establish the elements of many sexual offences, yet many public hospitals and clinics in urban low-income areas lack both the equipment and trained staff to conduct forensic examinations. The participant further described situations where survivors were referred to facilities without female clinicians, where chain-of-custody for samples was poorly managed, or where clinicians lacked training on documenting evidence in a way that courts will accept. These institutional shortfalls contribute to high rates of case attrition even when survivors initially report.

An advocate working for a refugee clinic also pointed to weak inter-agency coordination and poor case management across the justice and protection ecosystem. From their accounts, the absence of standardized referral procedures and case-tracking mechanisms means a reported matter can “fall between” police, medical personnel, Office of the Director of Public Prosecution (ODPP), and legal aid providers. An advocate described the practical consequences as:

a survivor files a police report but receives no referral to medical care; a clinician issues an incomplete medico-legal report; the ODPP declines to prosecute because evidential thresholds appear unsatisfied; meanwhile, NGOs that could provide psychosocial or legal support are not systematically looped in the process.

Several experts notably those working in the NGO sector linked these coordination failures to the lack of shared data systems, unclear mandates especially between Department of Refugee Services (DRS) and police regarding refugee protection, and the absence of multi-sectoral SGBV response teams in many urban informal settlements.

Similarly, resource, training and institutional culture deficits were reported as shaping how laws are applied. Even where the statutes are progressive, some justice actors often lack specific training on refugee law, trauma-informed interviewing, and gender-sensitive procedures. This produces problematic behaviors for example, re-traumatizing interviews, sceptical or dismissive attitudes toward refugee complainants, or an overemphasis on technical evidentiary procedures rather than a survivor’s credibility and protection. Budgetary constraints were repeatedly mentioned:

 legal aid services are under resourced and cannot consistently take on refugee SGBV cases; courts are congested, producing long adjournments; and interpreter services are rarely budgeted for, undermining fair process.  (Legal Aid, Kawangware)

As Da Costa (2006) observes many host state governments lack the resources to train personnel or the willingness to ensure legal protection when rights violations affect refugees. Taken together, these systemic weaknesses turn otherwise sound legal provisions into paper rights for many urban refugees rather than accessible remedies.

Dual Vulnerability of urban refugees

Finally, Urban refugees experience a dual vulnerability that exposes them to higher risks of SGBV. First are the everyday realities of life in Nairobi’s informal settlements, where most urban refugees reside due to their affordability. Informal settlements in Nairobi are characterized by high population density, weak policing, high levels of criminal activities, and lack of access to safe housing (Odongo et al., 2024). These conditions are a basis for the everyday insecurities for all residents, but become adverse for refugees particularly women and LGBTQ+ persons who face heightened risks due to their lack of stable sources of livelihood, social networks and community protection structures (Campbell, 2006). Participants noted that perpetrators frequently target refugees precisely because they are socially and economically marginalized, making them less likely to report such acts of violence or even pursue justice.

Second, SGBV in urban spaces often represents a continuity of violence that began during displacement. The continuum-of-violence framework demonstrates that exposure to gendered violence frequently begins in countries of origin, persists during flight, and continues into settlement, producing cumulative psychological and socio-economic effects (Krause, 2015). A human rights advocated pointed out that “for many refugees, experiences of sexual assault, exploitation, or intimate partner violence did not end upon arrival in Kenya.” Experts also emphasized that survivors who arrive already traumatized struggle to navigate complex institutions, trust authorities, or advocate for their own rights, which exacerbates their susceptibility to further harm within their host communities. The migration journey itself frequently involves repeated exposure to gendered violence, which can have cumulative psychological and socio-economic effects

This compounded vulnerability is further intensified by lengthy legal and administrative procedures. Uncertainties related to lack of documentation, delays in Department of Refugee Services (DRS) processes such as status determination, and periodic police crackdowns in Nairobi discourage refugees from reporting violence. From this study I established that many survivors fear that approaching authorities could lead to detention, extortion, or deportation. This fear is not unfounded; discriminatory practices and xenophobic attitudes within certain institutions sometimes undermine the willingness of refugees to pursue justice. These observations mirror wider research showing that urban displacement creates fragmented access to protection and heightens vulnerability (Metcalfe & Pavanello, 2011). Moreover, intersecting factors notably poverty, migration-related trauma, and legal status create what participants described as a “double burden,” where both structural conditions and displacement-specific factors overlap to heighten vulnerability. Thus, findings show that the precarity of SGBV among urban refugees sits at the intersection of gender norms, institutional failures, and entrenched urban marginalization (Atuhaire & Ndirangu, 2018; Kassa, 2018). Ultimately, as Landau et al., (2016) observe, “urban protection is a long-term process inseparable from urban politics and development”. Therefore it is important to develop multiagency interventions that prioritize both cultural sensitivity and the protection of fundamental human rights.

Conclusion

Despite Kenya having a progressive legal and normative framework for addressing sexual and gender-based violence (SGBV), urban refugees continue to face significant barriers to accessing justice. These hurdles can be attributed to various factors inter alia procedural constraints, documentation requirements, language barrier, cultural practices, social stigma, and insecurity in informal settlements, in which many refugees have ended up residing. Additionally, institutional gaps within the Kenyan judicial system including coordination between law enforcement, courts, medical institutions, and legal officers limit the practical realization of justice. Nonetheless, legal experts/practitioners have become important actors in bridging the gap between survivors and the justice systems. However, a practitioner-centered lens to justice remains underexplored in refugee and forced displacement scholarship. This study established that legal experts offer meaningful perspectives into the mismatch between Kenya’s strong normative frameworks and the practical barriers that undermine refugee access to justice. Their experiences paint a picture of how policy commitments translate or fail to translate into the lived realities. This calls for the need for a more grounded analysis of justice processes in urban refugee contexts. From these findings it is clear that meaningful access to justice for urban refugees can be achieved if a multi-agency approach, targeted, context-specific interventions that address both systemic failures and the lived realities of displaced populations are adopted.

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