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Episode 3# Foreign bodies, Misguided youth: Samia Suluhu Hassan’s inauguration speech, 3 November 2025

Nicodemus MINDE & Marie-Aude FOUÉRÉ, “Episode #3 Foreign bodies, Misguided youth: Samia Suluhu Hassan’s inauguration speech, 3 November 2025” Mambo! no. 108, 2026

Dr. Samia Suluhu Hassan speaking on the Occasion of Her Inauguration as President of the United Republic of Tanzania, November 3, 2025 – Chamwino, Dodoma

On Monday 3 November 2025, Samia Suluhu Hassan’s inauguration ceremony as President of Tanzania takes place on a military parade ground in Dodoma, the capital of Tanzania, just two days after her victory was announced.[1] There was heavy security and the mood was tense. The internet, which had been shut down since election day (29 October), began to be gradually restored. Tanzania was coming back to life after being in the dark for a week – it felt like hell. Four years earlier, on 19 March 2021, Samia Suluhu Hassan was sworn in as Tanzania’s first female president following the death of President John Magufuli, therefore succeeding the position without having to be elected. Samia Suluhu Hassan’s tone and candour in 2021 reflected the nation’s mood: sombre and solemn. Her 2021 speech embodied a nation’s grief. In her address, she rallied the nation that yearned to be comforted and assured of a better tomorrow. “It is not a good day for me to speak to you because I have a wound in my heart. Today I have taken the oath different from the rest…in mourning,” she said.

And in 2025, just as in 2021, the country was also in mourning. On election day, young people organized demonstrations to express their disapproval of the country’s slide towards authoritarianism (Paget, 2025). Political repression soon followed. Many were killed; dead bodies littered the streets; mortuaries filled with the stench of piled-up dead bodies – this was carnage. Many others were tortured and maimed. People searched for their loved ones in vain, the soil drenched with blood. Others chose silence – not because they could not speak, but because it was safer that way.  

Samia Suluhu Hassan’s 2025 inauguration speech, which we closely read as a material object of the election, functions as a metapolitical act.[2] The speech defines the electoral process, offers an alternative interpretation of the protests and the violence that ensued, and is viewed through the state’s lens as the first stage of self-legitimization following a disputed and violent election. Its aim is also to frame the end of the electoral contest as the end of political disputes. The speech employs popular grammar of peace (amani), patriotism (Utanzania), and unity (umoja), among others; they are foregrounded as civic virtues which should outshine political disputes. The original speech is posted on the State House (Ikulu) website.[3] From the speech, we observe how speech acts are used to transform political divergence and conflict into a moral question. 

We therefore ask: How does Samia Suluhu Hassan’s swearing-in speech justify consolidating political power, if not the descent into repression and authoritarianism, by framing protests as either moral deviation, foreign interference, or criminal disruption, while simultaneously promoting the themes of unity, reconciliation, and dialogue? Our analysis is rooted in discourses of performativity (Austin, 1975; Butler, 1997), textuality (Barber, 2007), and scholarship on competitive authoritarianism (Levitsky & Way, 2010), which have guided our two previous episodes. Drawing on selected excerpts of Samia Suluhu Hassan’s 3-November speech, we attempt to analyse and answer the question through several thematic objects: The ritualization of elections; the foreignization of dissent; the criminalization of youth (i.e., the disregard for the actions and agency of the youth); the nationalistic moralization of order; the rhetoric of dialogue and reconciliation; and lastly, the polite discrediting of election observation missions’ reports.

The Ritualization of Elections – Process does not matter

My congratulations also go to all those who won seats in Parliament [Union]; the House of Representatives [Zanzibar]; and the Councillor wards across the country. To all of you, I say the election is over, now let us get to the work of building our Nation and the Dignity of the Tanzanian.”

(…)

“My fellow Tanzanians, it is good that we recognize that the general election for government leaders is a one-time process every five years. During all other times, life must go on. Therefore, our collective responsibility is to build our country and make our tomorrow better than our yesterday. I urge us to continue safeguarding our ideology of unity and solidarity.

Since the start of the 2025 election cycle, one message was clear: the ruling party Chama Cha Mapinduzi (CCM, Party of the revolution) was going to win, and not by a small margin, but by a large one. There was a sense of bravado around the nomination process, the campaigns, and overall preparation. The mobilization campaign slogan of the state-party was Oktoba Tunatiki (In October we shall tick (vote)), which was a dig at CHADEMA’s ‘No reforms, no election’ (Chama Cha Demokrasia na Maendeleo, Party of Democracy and Development). The campaign slogan emphasized voting as a ritual rather than as a meaningful democratic procedure and civic responsibility through which different political visions are expressed. It conveyed a sense of inevitability, even for those unlikely to vote because of demands for reforms; it suggested the election would be a forgone conclusion. This confirmed the normalization of electoral victory as a hallmark of the dominant party. Apart from the disqualification of the main opposition parties – CHADEMA but also the Alliance for Change and Transparency (ACT-Wazalendo) – from the presidential election, it was clear that CCM was determined to win at any cost. From the rallies and campaign paraphernalia, CCM was far ahead in terms of optics. The country was covered with posters of Samia Suluhu Hassan and her running mate Emmanuel Nchimbi. The entire country was decorated in green and yellow, the party colours. It was also clear that the campaign was well-financed. In August 2025, a few months before the polls, the CCM conducted a fundraising drive that raised over Tshs 86 billion (about US$32 million) (Wambura, 2025), with major contributions from the private and mining sectors – a sign of the deep connections within the elite networks of state-party operations (Gray, 2015; Morse, 2019). Samia Suluhu Hassan’s inauguration speech reinforced the notion of elections as a ritual staged every five years rather than a true contest and potentially transformative civic action.

The concept of temporal closure – i.e., elections as the end of politics – is exemplified by Samia Suluhu Hassan. The Constitution of Tanzania does not include a provision allowing the contesting of the presidential election in any court of law. This institutional design transforms the announcement of election results into an irreversible act – a constitutional finality. This explains why many media and political analyses highlighted how much the electoral process was just a coronation ritual (Collord, 2025) for the long-ruling party and for the president. The opposition had called for increased independence and credibility of the electoral commission, along with constitutional and legal reforms to establish a truly competitive democratic process – but in vain.

Foreignization of Dissent

All of us who wish this country well are saddened and distressed by the events of violence, loss of life, and destruction of public and private property in some parts of the country, especially in our cities and towns. What happened is inconsistent with the image and character of Tanzanians and is not Tanzanian. It did not surprise us to see that some of the young people arrested in connection with this incident are from outside Tanzania. Our Defense and Security Forces are continuing to monitor and investigate the events in greater detail and are rapidly returning the country to its normal state. The National Defense Committee, and the Regional and District Defense Committees, ensure that starting today, the lives of the citizens return to normal immediately. I will also take this opportunity to warn all those who incited the breach of peace, and I want them to realize that violence and unrest end up pitting strength against strength, while dialogue breeds solidarity. Let us choose what is in our best interest, for the security of any nation is protected by all, at any cost.

In this excerpt, Samia Suluhu Hassan uses the classic sovereignty card to delegitimize the protests. The speech employs dissent as an external phenomenon and a legitimizing trope, thereby urging the security forces to investigate and “return the country to its normal state.” In May 2025, a group of human rights activists from Kenya and Uganda travelled to Tanzania to carry out a trial observation mission related to the treason case against Tundu Lissu.[4] Some activists were detained at the airport and deported to their home countries. Among those deported were Kenya’s former Chief Justice Willy Mutunga and former Minister for Constitutional Affairs Martha Karua. Kenyan activist Boniface Mwangi and Ugandan Agather Atuhaire, who managed to enter the country, were later detained, reported to have been tortured, and later dumped at their respective borders (Amnesty International, 2025). Therefore, by blaming the protests on foreign elements, the speech introduces the idea of external influence over a people portrayed as unconditionally loyal to the nation, but simultaneously parochial and subservient, unable to rebel as they would cherish amani na utulivu (peace and tranquillity). Samia Suluhu Hassan notes, specifically:

What happened is inconsistent with the image and character of Tanzanians and is not Tanzanian. It did not surprise us to see that some of the young people arrested in connection with this incident are from outside Tanzania.

In later addresses, she further stated that foreign elements had malicious plans to destabilise Tanzania (Mwakideu, 2025). In electoral authoritarian contexts (Schedler, 2006; Levitsky & Way, 2010), foreignization strategy serves to delegitimize domestic dissent, justify securitization, and consolidate nationalist sentiments. While we can read this as referring to other countries, another layer of foreignization could also come from Tanzanians in diaspora. The Tanzanian diaspora has become increasingly vocal about the country’s authoritarian backsliding. One of the most outspoken members of the Tanzanian diaspora is Mange Kimambi, a model turned activist. Mange Kimambi, based in the US, has used digital platforms—mainly Instagram, which is very popular in Tanzania—to criticize the ruling party, CCM, and its elite networks. During the election cycle, Mange Kimambi positioned herself as the diasporic amplifier of domestic grievances. She was later warned that she would be arrested, would she want to come to Tanzania, and charged with inciting unrest, economic sabotage and money laundering.

Criminalization of youth

It did not surprise us to see that some of the young people arrested in connection with this incident are from outside Tanzania.

The young people are framed not as legitimate and deserving political dissenters, but as disruptive and rebellious, influenced by foreigners, and a threat to national unity. Samia Suluhu Hassan claimed that some of the young people, to say the least, “come from outside Tanzania” – an act interpreted as an attempt to downplay the agency of the Tanzanian domestic youth. In a later speech to elders of Dar es Salaam in early December, a crowd assembled to listen to the president’s explanation of the events of October 29 and the following days, she further discredited the protests by constructing them as vurugu (chaos) and designed to cause disorder (The Chanzo Reporter, 2025). Young people aged 35 or younger make up about 77% of Tanzania’s population. More than 50% of the population is under 18, with the median age being 17-17.6 years, reflecting a very young demographic. Like their counterparts in Africa, young people face challenges such as unemployment and political marginalization. The decision to protest on election day reflects their frustration with the management of the economy, their lack of trust in political institutions, and the embezzlement of public funds. The inauguration speech fails to acknowledge any of these grievances and instead portrays them as illegitimate. In yet another speech, this time during the official opening of Parliament on November 14, 2025, Samia Suluhu Hassan used the expression “wanafuta mkumbo” (meaning, they follow the crowd, they act on herd mentality) to rhetorically, and in condescending ways, deconstruct the agency of the youth. In short, the young people acted without thinking. This reinforces generational hierarchy and the criminalization of youth protests. The young people were also labelled as unpatriotic: What happened is, in Samia Suluhu Hassan’s view, inconsistent with the “image and character of Tanzanians” and is not “Tanzanian” (Utanzania). She foregrounds a vision of what it means to be “Tanzanian” that is congruent with the national grand narrative of belonging to the Tanzanian nation since independence, but also with the needs to maintain authoritarianism and elite predation by denying and silencing alternative visions of how politics and society should be organised.

Nationalistic moralization of order

To achieve this, we must encourage unity and love for our country, maintain peace, and respect the laws of the land. In contrast, demonstrations, violence, and the breakdown of peace cause pain and bring no benefit or advantage to anyone. I urge Tanzanians to choose wisdom over anger; prudence over emotion; love over hate; tolerance over resentment; unity over division; peace over violence; humility over pride; and compassion over anger.

(…)

I have decided to use this platform today to thank and congratulate on the conclusion of the election, to encourage National Unity and Solidarity, and to emphasize that the United Republic of Tanzania as a Nation is more important than the personal wishes of any individual. The direction of the Government’s work for the next five years, and a detailed explanation of the measures that will be taken to implement the concept of Work and Morality, will be provided in the opening address to the 13th Parliament of the United Republic of Tanzania.

The speech repeats again the same nationalist language to frame the idea of the nation—Tanzania—and to cast the nation as a moral community. The recurring use of “umoja na upendo wa nchi yetu” (unity and love for our country) and “kujenga umoja na mshikamano wa taifa letu” (building unity and solidarity of our nation) aims to reinforce a view that externalizes protests and functions as a patriotic rallying call. The nation of Tanzania is portrayed not just as a political entity but as an ethical one. Often, authoritarian regimes bolster nationalism or what critics refer to as pseudo-nationalism by using national identity to legitimize power, i.e. for autocratic legitimation (Dukalskis & Lee, 2020). Utanzania (being Tanzanian) therefore is a moral imperative rather than a civic responsibility.

Rhetoric of dialogue and reconciliation

As you know, in uniting the Nation, the sixth administration began with the philosophy [falsafa] of the 4Rs, which is based on the principles of dialogue and understanding (Reconciliation), tolerance (Resilience), to reform after reconciliation (Reforms), and to continue building our Nation (Reconstruction/Building). As we move forward, we will neither tire nor turn back from managing all matters concerning the building of Unity and Solidarity in our Nation.

When Samia Suluhu Hassan succeeded Magufuli in 2021, she presented herself as a reformer, advancing the so-called 4R philosophy of reconciliation, resilience, reforms, and reconstruction. However, Samia Suluhu Hassan used promises, processes, and delays as strategies to manage people’s expectations, even as repression persisted (Paget & Kwayu, 2025). In her first year as president, she truly advocated for this philosophy. However, she started to backtrack and break her promise. As the country neared elections, many called for reconciliation and political dialogue. The main demands included electoral and institutional reforms. These were voiced by the opposition, particularly CHADEMA, which adopted a more radical position: “No reforms, No elections.” The state eventually viewed this stance as treason. During the election season, CCM consistently rejected reconciliation and dialogue, often boldly asserting that discussions could only take place after the elections. By invoking the 4R, the inauguration speech reinforces the belief that this philosophy is being used for political expediency and not genuinely. Since October 29, the state has not taken responsibility for the violence and killings that followed. Instead, as seen in the emerging themes, it attributes blame to external actors and a marauding youth.    

Discrediting international observation missions – the intertextual invocation of President Mkapa

As is customary, democratic countries invite election observers from international and regional communities to witness the electoral process. Their presence enhances the legitimacy of our efforts to ensure that the election is held in an environment of transparency, fairness, respect, and the rule of law. In this context, we thank all the communities that sent election observers. From Africa, we had observers from the African Union (AU), the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region (ICGLR), the Southern African Development Community (SADC), and the East African Community (EAC). In addition to them, we had others from various areas. All observer groups have already issued preliminary reports, and we thank them for being with us, and we have received your views with great respect. However, as the third President of the United Republic of Tanzania, the late Benjamin William Mkapa, once said in 2000 during his inauguration, and here I quote a snippet from that speech, which says:

‘I thank the international observers for coming to witness our election, and when they praised us, we received those compliments with humility. We have also heard from those who thought things did not go well, and we have seen those points as well. We have rejected their directives, but we will consider their advice so that we can do better in the future’.

Indeed, as the speech indicates, election observer groups had already issued preliminary statements on the conduct of the elections in Tanzania by the time of the inauguration. Several international and regional observers’ missions issued harsh assessments of the conduct of the elections, not only from the Global North but also from the African continent, notably from SADC.[5] The speech carefully addresses international observers, expressing gratitude and emphasizing that their presence enhances the legitimacy of efforts to conduct transparent, fair, respectful, and rule-of-law elections. It politely acknowledges observer groups such as AU, ICGLR, SADC, and EAC. The key intertext is former President Benjamin Mkapa’s 2000 inauguration quote[6].

I  also thank the international observers for deciding to come and witness how our election was conducted. When they praised us, we received those compliments with humility. We have also heard what they believe did not go well — some of which we ourselves observed.

We have rejected their directives. However, we will take their advice into consideration so that we can do even better in the future. I repeat: we will take their advice into consideration so that we can do even better in the future.

We thank them very much.[7]

In this excerpt, Benjamin Mkapa thanks international observers for their praise, admits flaws, but refuses their “directives” while rhetorically accepting their “advice.” This intertext within Samia Suluhu Hassan’s swearing-in speech functions as a sovereignty performance: it derives authority from past presidents and transforms criticism of the electoral process into a form the state can accept only on its own terms.

Full Inauguration Speech by Samia Suluhu Hassan on Monday 3 November 2026

Good morning.

Let me begin by thanking Almighty God for granting us life and enabling us to participate in these historic celebrations for our Nation. Secondly, I thank all Tanzanians for their faith in the Chama cha Mapinduzi Party, and for the great love, and for giving me and the Vice President this great opportunity to serve you.

Special thanks to the Leaders and Members of the Chama cha Mapinduzi party for the highly successful way they conducted the campaign.

I also thank the Election Commission for coordinating and managing the entire electoral process with undeniable efficiency.

Fellow Leaders;

Fellow Citizens;

In this Election, we had 17 candidates from various political parties vying for the position of President of the United Republic of Tanzania.

I would like to thank my 17 colleagues who have indeed shown democratic maturity by running campaigns where we competed on the basis of ideas, and we all demonstrated that politics is not war. We have concluded the election well and congratulated the winner.

Furthermore, I would also like to take this opportunity to congratulate the President of Zanzibar and Chairman of the Revolutionary Council, H.E. Dr. Hussein Mwinyi, and the political parties that were part of the electoral process, for conducting a safe and peaceful election. Zanzibar Oyeee!

My congratulations also go to all those who won seats in Parliament [Union]; the House of Representatives [Zanzibar]; and the Councillor wards across the country. To all of you, I say the election is over, now let us get to the work of building our Nation and the Dignity [Utu] of the Tanzanian.

Honourable Presidents;

Leaders;

Fellow Citizens;

An event is beautiful and enjoyable when attended by those who love you. Today, Tanzania is filled with great joy to see some of my fellow Honoured Presidents and various leaders from neighbouring countries have joined us for this event, even though we extended the invitation on short notice.

To those who were unable to attend, we recognize the gravity of their responsibilities, and we know their hearts are with us. We also thank all who sent us their congratulations. We say thank you very much.

Fellow Citizens;

An election is an opportunity for citizens to express their wishes for the type of leaders they believe will be able to serve them well and bring them sustainable development. During the campaign period, we were divided ideologically and partisan as a nation. But after the election is held, the person chosen by the majority becomes the country’s choice and should be a Servant of all the people: those who elected them, those who chose other candidates, and even those who did not participate in the election. For those of us who have been elected, our promise is to serve this Nation with all our strength, all our talents, and all our knowledge.

My fellow Tanzanians, it is good that we recognize that the general election for government leaders is a one-time process every five years. During all other times, life must go on. Therefore, our collective responsibility is to build our country and make our tomorrow better than our yesterday. I urge us to continue safeguarding our ideology of unity and solidarity.

Fellow Citizens;

All of us who wish this country well are saddened and distressed by the events of violence, loss of life, and destruction of public and private property in some parts of the country, especially in our cities and towns. What happened is inconsistent with the image and character of Tanzanians and is not Tanzanian. It did not surprise us to see that some of the young people arrested in connection with this incident are from outside Tanzania. Our Defense and Security Forces are continuing to monitor and investigate the events in greater detail and are rapidly returning the country to its normal state. The National Defense Committee, and the Regional and District Defense Committees, ensure that starting today, the lives of the citizens return to normal immediately. I will also take this opportunity to warn all those who incited the breach of peace, and I want them to realize that violence and unrest end up pitting strength against strength, while dialogue breeds solidarity. Let us choose what is in our best interest, for the security of any nation is protected by all, at any cost.

Honourable Leaders;

Fellow Citizens;

As is customary, democratic countries invite election observers from international and regional communities to witness the electoral process. Their presence enhances the legitimacy of our efforts to ensure that the election is held in an environment of transparency, fairness, respect, and the rule of law. In this context, we thank all the communities that sent election observers. From Africa, we had observers from the African Union (AU), the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region (ICGLR), the Southern African Development Community (SADC), and the East African Community (EAC). In addition to them, we had others from various areas. All observer groups have already issued preliminary reports, and we thank them for being with us, and we have received your views with great respect. However, as the third President of the United Republic of Tanzania, the late Benjamin William Mkapa, once said in 2000 during his inauguration, and here I quote a snippet from that speech, which says:

‘I thank the international observers for coming to witness our election, and when they praised us, we received those compliments with humility. We have also heard from those who thought things did not go well, and we have seen those points as well. We have rejected their directives, but we will consider their advice so that we can do better in the future’.

Fellow Citizens;

One of man’s attributes is his imperfection; the only one who is completely perfect, without any flaw, is God Almighty alone. That is why, in human activities and movements, we are connected through communication, dialogue, and understanding; in other words, we are connected by the presence of solutions to issues in our communities. As you know, in uniting the Nation, the sixth administration began with the philosophy [falsafa] of the 4Rs, which is based on the principles of dialogue and understanding (Reconciliation), tolerance (Resilience), to reform after reconciliation (Reforms), and to continue building our Nation (Reconstruction/Building). As we move forward, we will neither tire nor turn back from managing all matters concerning the building of Unity and Solidarity in our Nation.

My fellow Tanzanians;

Our gathering here today is not to celebrate the election winners, no; rather, it is a constitutional mandate to entrust the responsibility of being the nation’s chief servant in bringing about sustainable development; meaning economic, political, diplomatic, and social resilience. To achieve this, we must encourage unity and love for our country, maintain peace, and respect the laws of the land. In contrast, demonstrations, violence, and the breakdown of peace cause pain and bring no benefit or advantage to anyone. I urge Tanzanians to choose wisdom over anger; prudence over emotion; love over hate; tolerance over resentment; unity over division; peace over violence; humility over pride; and compassion over anger. Our nation is greater and stronger than any one person. Democracy is not measured by who wins an election, but by how we conduct ourselves after the election. We will be stronger when every voice, positive and negative, is heard, respected, and valued, and likewise, when we can heal where there is pain. This is not the work of one side of the Government alone, but of every Civil Society, the Political Parties, our Religions, and every citizen. And here, I would like to take this opportunity to sincerely thank the Religious Leaders who promoted peace and love throughout the election period.

Fellow Citizens;

I have decided to use this platform today to thank and congratulate on the conclusion of the election, to encourage National Unity and Solidarity, and to emphasize that the United Republic of Tanzania as a Nation is more important than the personal wishes of any individual. The direction of the Government’s work for the next five years, and a detailed explanation of the measures that will be taken to implement the concept of Work and Morality, will be provided in the opening address to the 13th Parliament of the United Republic of Tanzania.

Having said that, I thank you all for joining us on this important and historic occasion. I have received all the congratulations with great humility, and now the journey of serving Tanzanians for a second term officially begins.

Thank you very much for listening.

God Bless Africa…!

God Bless Tanzania…!

This series of Mambo! focuses on the 2025 election year in Tanzania. It offers an original format for a close reading of politically-related empirical objects linked to this eventful election year, marked by a shift toward massive state violence. In each episode, the selected object is reproduced in its original form and translated where necessary, carefully contextualized and closely annotated or commented with the aim of providing keys to understanding its production, meaning and significance. These objects constitute relevant sources or documents for analysing the openly brutal authoritarian turn taken by the Tanzanian regime during this electoral sequence at the end of 2025.

References

Amnesty International. (2025, May 23). Tanzania: Torture and forcible deportation of Kenyan and Ugandan activists must be urgently investigated. https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2025/05/tanzania-torture-and-forcible-deportation-of-kenyan-and-ugandan-activists-must-be-urgently-investigated/

Austin, J. L. (1975). How to do things with words. Harvard University Press.

Barber, K. (2007). The anthropology of texts, persons and publics. Cambridge University Press.

Bevir, M. (Ed.). (2010). Metapolitics. In Encyclopedia of political theory, Vol. 3, pp. 879–880. SAGE Publications, Inc. https://doi.org/10.4135/9781412958660.n282

Butler, J. (2021). Excitable speech: A politics of the performative. Routledge.

Dukalskis, A., & Lee, J. (2020). Everyday nationalism and authoritarian rule: A case study of North Korea. Nationalities Papers48(6), 1052–1068. doi:10.1017/nps.2019.99

Gray, H. S. (2015). The political economy of grand corruption in Tanzania. African Affairs, 114(456), 382–403.

Levitsky, S. & L. Way. (2010). Competitive authoritarianism: Hybrid regimes after the Cold War. Cambridge University Press.

Morse, Y. L. (2019). How autocrats compete: Parties, patrons, and unfair elections in Africa. Cambridge University Press.

Mwakideu, C. (2025, December 2). Samia on poll protests: “No way — we’d have done nothing”. The East African. https://www.theeastafrican.co.ke/tea/news/east-africa/samia-on-poll-protests-no-way-we-d-have-stood-done-nothing-5284676

Paget, D. (2025, November 1). Tanzania: President Samia Hassan’s grip on power has been shaken by unprecedented protests. The Conversation Africa. https://theconversation.com/tanzania-president-samia-hassans-grip-on-power-has-been-shaken-by-unprecedented-protests-268849

Paget, D., & Kwayu, A. C. (2025). Tanzania’s autocratic reform-washing. Journal of Democracy, 36(3), 78–91.

Schedler, A. (2006). Electoral authoritarianism: The dynamics of unfree competition. Lynne Rienner Publishers.

The Chanzo Reporter. (2025, December 3). Transcript: President Samia shares government’s position on the October 29 protest and subsequent developments. The Chanzo. https://thechanzo.com/2025/12/03/transcript-president-samia-shares-the-governments-position-on-the-october-29-protest-and-subsequent-developments/

Wambura, B. (2025, August 13). Tanzanian tycoons, miners and leaders give CCM over Sh86 billion for 2025 campaign, party building. The Citizen. https://www.thecitizen.co.tz/tanzania/news/tanzanian-tycoons-miners-and-leaders-give-ccm-over-sh86-billion-for-2025-campaign-party-building-5153100


Notes

[1] See, Episode 2 in this series “Depicting the moral infamy of Samia Suluhu Hassan through a press cartoon by Gado on 1 November 2025. 

[2] Metapolitics refers to a specific relationship between politics and political thought, whether viewed positively or negatively. This relationship connects instances of politics, governance, and policymaking with theoretical categories, intellectual history, or philosophy. 

[3] The transcript of the speech in its original Swahili version is available online here: https://share.google/Oe1eea8ybnRNBDggw; we translated it into English and it is reproduced in full at the end of this episode.

[4] See Episode 1 in this series “Tundu Lissu’s ‘Tutakinukisha (Ignite it)’: ‘No Reform, no Election’” Speech of 3 April 2025.

[5] See SADC’s full prelimnary report of 3 November 2025 here : https://www.sadc.int/sites/default/files/2025-11/Tanzania%20SEOM%202025%20-%20Preliminary%20Statement%20-%20Final%203%20November%202025%20%28002%29.pdf

[6] President Benjamin Mkapa was Tanzania’s President between 1995-2000.

[7] See President Benjamin Mkapa full inauguration speech here: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=K5jJIV3iAE0

Nicodemus Minde
Nicodemus Minde
Nico Minde is doctoral student in International Relations at the United States International University – Africa (USIU – Africa) Nairobi,… Lire la suite
Marie-Aude Fouéré
Marie-Aude Fouéré

OpenEdition vous propose de citer ce billet de la manière suivante :
Nicodemus Minde, Marie-Aude Fouéré (17 mars 2026). Episode 3# Foreign bodies, Misguided youth: Samia Suluhu Hassan’s inauguration speech, 3 November 2025. Mambo ! Consulté le 12 juin 2026 à l’adresse https://doi.org/10.58079/15w00


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